Please use this identifier to cite or link to this item: http://hdl.handle.net/11455/98108
標題: 自治與獨立運動之研究—政治與經濟變數之分析
The Comparative Study of Autonomy and Independence Movements: The Analysis of Political and Economic Valuables
作者: 廖倍妤
Pei-Yu Liao
關鍵字: 獨立運動
治權擴張
中央政府
經濟發展
實體衝突
Separatist movement
autonomy expansion
central government
economic development
substantive conflict
引用: 一、中文部分 (一)書籍 王丹,《王丹回憶錄:從六四到流亡》(台北:時報出版)。 王瑩,《財政均等化:理論與實踐》(中國財政經濟出版社,2008年)。 王賡武,《香港史新編(上)》(香港:三聯出版社,1998年)。 田飛龍,《香港政改觀察:從民主與法治的視角》(香港:商務印書館,2015)。 朱福惠,《宪法学原理》(廈門:廈門大學出版社,2011)。 何巽權,《港事講真》(香港:青森文化,2018年)。 余非,《當代中國國情與外交拓展》(香港:三聯出版社,2007年)。 吳倫霓霞,《邁進中的大學:香港中文大學三十年1963-1993》(香港:中文大學出版社,1993年)。 周子峰,《圖解香港史(一九四九至二零一二年)》(香港:中華書局,2012年)。 周永新,《香港人的身份認同和價值觀(增訂版)》(香港:中華書局,2016年) 周葉中,《代議制度比較研究》(中國,商務印書館,2014)。 岳軍,《基本公共服務均等化與公共財政制度創新》(中國財政經濟出版社,2011年)。 洪泉湖,《當代歐洲民族運動:從蘇格蘭獨立公投到克裡米亞危機》(台北:聯經出版公司,2017年)。 徐承恩,《城邦舊事: 十二本書看香港本土史》(香港:青森文化,2016年)。 袁求實,《香港回歸大事記1979-1997(第二版)》(香港:三聯書店,2015年)。 張家偉,《六七暴動:香港戰後歷史的分水嶺》(香港:香港大學出版社,2012年)。 陳麗君,《香港民主制度發展研究》(香港:中華書局,2015年)。 陳麗君,《香港社會關係與矛盾變化研究》(香港:中華書局,2015年)。 黃海,《疏離的人心—香港社會思潮評析》(香港:香港城市大學出版社,2018年)。 黃鴻釗、吳必康,《加拿大簡史》(臺北:書林出版有限公司,1996年)。 劉文彬,《科西嘉民族自決運動:起源與發展》(台灣:天空數位圖書有限公司,2009年)。 劉潤和,《香港市議會史1883~1999》(香港:香港大學出版社,2002年)。 鄭宇碩、盧兆興,《九七過渡: 香港的挑戰》(香港:中文大學出版社,1997年)。 鄭宇碩、羅金義,《那夜無星:八九民運二十年顧後瞻前》(香港:城市大學出版社,2010年)。 賴錦珖,《公民投票法釋義—附錄:關於魁北克主權分離公投之裁定》(台北:三民書局,2007年)。 薄慶玖,《地方政府與政治》(台灣:五南文化,2000)。 薩爾瓦多.德.馬達里亞加(Salvador de Madariaga)著,朱倫譯,《西班牙現代史論》(北京:中國社會科學出版社,1998年)。 鄺健銘,《港英時代 英國殖民管治術》(香港:天窗出版社有限公司,2015年) (二)期刊論文 曲兆祥,〈公民投票概念的定義、性質與種類之分析與建議〉,《師大政治論叢》,第二期(2004年2月),頁8-21。 吳心琪,官德星,〈國際貨幣制度與政府主權債務〉,《法制論叢》,第47期(民國100年元月),頁71-72。 吳志中,〈西班牙加泰隆尼亞諮詢性公投:人民自決的個案研析〉,《新世紀智庫論壇》,第六十八期(2014年),頁93-99。 吳靄儀,〈五星旗下香港的法治危機〉,《思想》,第35期(民國107年),頁231-256。 辛翠玲,〈從民族主義到認同平行外交:魁北克經驗〉,《政治科學論叢》,第二十四期(2005年),頁121-131。 紀舜杰,〈魁北克獨立運動之族群與非族群因素〉,《台灣國際研究期刊》,第1卷第1期(2005年),頁89。 曹強、曹晟,〈香港政黨政治發展歷程淺議〉,《一國兩制研究》,第32期(2017年),頁77-78。 郭秋慶(2002年)。〈西班牙中央與邊陲的衝突—論加泰隆尼亞族群政治的建構〉。《成大西洋史集刊》。第十期,頁139-159。 陳盛,〈魁北克獨立問題之諮詢意見〉,《問題與研究》,第44卷第5期(2005年),頁59。 张珺、王肖肖,〈CEPA对中国内地吸引香港FDI的影响分析〉,《大珠三角论坛》,第3期(2016年),頁9-11。 (三)學位論文 侯乃云,《平行外交的概念與應用—以魁北克經驗為例》(台北:國立政治大學外交學系碩士班碩士論文,2008年),頁54-60。 舒瑩昌,《加泰隆尼亞於歐洲整合過程中其國家認同之轉變》(嘉義:南華大學歐洲研究所碩士論文,2003年),頁1-151。 (四)官方資料 香港特別行政區政府政制及內地事務局,《聯合聲明》(2018/5/18瀏覽),https://www.cmab.gov.hk/tc/issues/jd2.htm. 香港特別行政區政府政制及內地事務局,《基本法》(2018/5/18瀏覽),https://www.basiclaw.gov.hk/tc/basiclawtext/images/basiclaw_full_text_tc.pdf. 立法會秘書處,《立法會歷史》,(2018/4/10瀏覽),http://www.legco.gov.hk/general/english/intro/hist_lc.htm. 香港特別行政區政府,《全國人民代表大會常務委員會關於香港特別行政區行政長官普選問題和2016年立法會產生辦法的決定》(2018/8/27瀏覽),http://www.2017.gov.hk/filemanager/template/tc/doc/20140831a.pdf. 中華民國大陸委員會,《大陸情勢季報》,民國103年7月。 香港金融管理局,《香港無可取代的地位》(2018/9/4瀏覽),https://www.hkma.gov.hk/chi/key-information/insight/20161027.shtml. 財團法人中華經濟研究院(經濟部委託),《CEPA後大陸對香港之政策調整與影響-陸資與陸客相關分析》(民國101年12月)。 香港旅遊發展局,《訪港旅客統計》(2018/9/15瀏覽),https://securepartnernet.hktb.com/taiwan/tc/research_statistics/research_publications/index.html?id=3631. 香港旅遊發展局,《2017年11月訪港旅客統計》(2018/9/15瀏覽),https://partnernet.hktb.com/filemanager/intranet/pm/VisitorArrivalStatistics/ViS_Stat_C/ViS_C_2017/Tourism%20Statistics%2011%202017.pdf. 香港政府新聞網,《CEPA十周年經濟成就喜人》(2018/9/15瀏覽),http://www.info.gov.hk/gia/general/201309/02/P201309020621.htm. 香港特別行政區政府統計處,《香港統計年刊2017年版》(2018/9/16瀏覽),https://www.statistics.gov.hk/pub/B10100032017AN17B0100.pdf. 香港金融管理局,《香港金融管理局2017年年報》(2018/9/5瀏覽),https://www.hkma.gov.hk/chi/publications-and-research/annual-report/2017.shtml. 中華人民共和國商務部,《2016年度中国对外直接投资统计公报》,2017年9月。 香港金融管理局,《香港金管局基建融資促進辦公室與中國進出口銀行簽署諒解備忘錄》(2018/9/15瀏覽),https://www.hkma.gov.hk/chi/key-information/press-releases/2016/20161220-4.shtml. 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摘要: 回顧歷史,一國境內若發生某地區尋求獨立或擴張自治權事件時,其情況多半是該地區對於中央政府的統治方式或對待感到不滿,因此希望取得更高程度的自治或甚至是全然自主的治權(the full rights of governance)。而在尋求獨立或擴張治權的過程中,中央與地方的暴力衝突有時難以避免,且不管民主或非民主國家皆曾發生過具體個案。但有趣的是,並不是所有的中央政府都會以強制力回應地方發起的獨立或治權擴張,也並非所有的中央政府都會以和平或尊重的方式因應。 鑒此,本文欲探究的問題是:當一國境內存有自治爭議的地區進一步爭取擴大治權或甚至獨立時,導致中央政府採取警力或軍力壓制抑或不壓制的關鍵變數為何?藉由「清晰集合的質性比較分析」(Crisp-set Qualitative Comparative Analysis, csQCA),本文針對魁北克(Quebec)、加泰隆尼亞(Catalonia)、香港(Hong Kong)等三個主要個案,以及額外的五個輔助個案:巴斯克(Basque)、科西嘉島(Corsica)、新喀里多尼亞(New Caledonia)、蘇格蘭(Scotland)和北愛爾蘭(Northern Ireland)進行實證分析,並在邏輯嚴謹的csQCA中,找出導致中央政府是否對獨立或治權擴張運動採取警力或軍力壓制的可能變數組合。 研究發現,在上述個案中,地方與中央政府的經濟互動關係發揮一定程度的影響,而這樣的影響會左右中央回應獨立或治權擴張運動的政策強度。若地方與中央之經濟互動是前者相對仰賴後者時,中央政府較易對獨立或治權擴張者採取「非」壓制政策。另一方面,若尋求獨立或治權擴張者在母國法律上無確切權利進行公投(plebiscite)或自選領袖,而所屬母國境內又有其它地區存在類似情況時,一旦付諸獨立公投或大規模爭取治權擴張,遭受中央政府警力或甚至軍力壓制的可能性會非常大。
Historically, in the case of an area seeking for independence or expansion of autonomy in a country, the situation is mostly that the certain region is dissatisfied with the treatment of the central government, and therefore has a desire to achieve a higher degree of autonomy or even the rights of governance. In the process of seeking independence or expansion of autonomy, violent conflicts between the central government and local government are sometimes difficult to avoid, and there have been specific cases in both democratic or nondemocratic countries. But it is interesting that not all central governments respond to local-initiated independence movement or the expansion of autonomy with oppression, and not all central governments respond in a peaceful or respectful manner. In view of this, the question that this thesis wants to explore is: in the case of a region seeks for greater autonomy or even independence, what are the key variables that lead the central government to suppress or not to suppress with the police force or military power? To identify the main variables of the central government's use of force towards independence or autonomy movement, this thesis performs a Crisp-set Qualitative Comparative Analysis (csQCA) for the three main cases, that are Quebec, Catalonia and Hong Kong, and the additional five cases: Basque, Corsica, New Caledonia, Scotland, and Northern Ireland to analyze the relationship between the presence of various conditions and the outcome. The result of this thesis shows that, the intensity of the central government's response to independence or autonomy movement is tremendously influenced by the economic interaction between the region and the central. If the region's economic development highly depends on the central government, then the central authority tends not to repress the regional independence or autonomy movement. On the other hand, in the situation that the seeker of independence or autonomy de jure does not have the right to conduct a self-determination plebiscite or to hold a chief executive election. Once the region seeks to independence plebiscite or autonomy expansion, and at the same time there are other regions with similar situation in the home country, it is very likely to be suppressed by the central government's use of police force or military power.
URI: http://hdl.handle.net/11455/98108
文章公開時間: 10000-01-01
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